We must ask ourselves, can we allow a group of fundamentalist Muslims following the culture of Islam to freely attack our country, our Democratic institutions, our freedom of speech, our freedom of religion, our very civilization and get away with it? This is a very controversial subject. Our president tells us, Islam is a religion of peace. Yet, we see many examples of the violence of Islam throughout the world and a long history of well documented Islamic violence for over 1400 years. What is the truth? Our country has always welcomed immigrants from all walks of life and from every religion. We protect religions in this country. But is Islam truly only a religion? Should Islam have "religion status"? That subject will be discussed in this book. Some exclaiming, "fear of the threat of Islam," are accused of Islamophobia, but when you examine the historical facts, like the 9/11 attack in New York City by Muslims that destroyed the World Trade Center and killed nearly 3,000 Americans, what is actually happening? Daily, in Great Britain and numerous countries in Europe, fear becomes a reality, not a phobia. In the early 1930s, we were told by many soothsayers that the Nazis were not a threat. But some leaders, like Winston Churchill, knew the truth and eventually the world woke up to his call and was energized to action to stop the evil Nazi empire which nearly took over the world. It required a disastrous World War to do it. We do not want to repeat that error and wait until it is too late to stop this insidious invasion of Islam. What is the truth? What should be our position regarding Islam? Should we expose our culture to one which says it wants to dominate us and bring to us a set of laws known as Sharia, which will make a mockery of our freedoms and subjugate women to second class status? This book details the many barbaric concepts of the philosophy of Islam and examines actions we must consider in defense of the cherished and hard-earned freedoms which are our right under the Constitution and the Bill of Rights in our democratic world. The author was born in New York City in November 1925 the eldest of three children of Dr. and Mrs. Frank H Russell. He graduated in 1950 from the University of Colorado with a Pre-Medical Major but spent much of his life in international business as a corporate executive and CEO. He has been an entrepreneur for the past 40 years. William is currently concentrating on writing. keywords: Islam, Threat to Civilization, Islam History, Islam Objectives, Violence, Sharia Law, Freedom, Invasion, Fundamentalist, Muslims
Abstract: This paper analyzes the structural relationship between policies that distort resource allocation and long-ten growth. It first reviews briefly the Solow model in which steady-state growth depends only on exogenous technological change. Policy distortions do affect the rate of growth in the transition to the steady state in the Solow model. However, growth falls off so rapidly in the Solow transition as to make it unsatisfactory as a model of long-ten growth, even over periods as short as a decade. The paper proposes an increasing returns model in the spirit of the new literature on economic growth. With increasing returns, endogenous economic variables - - and thus policy - - will affect the steady-state rate of growth. The model gives output as a linear function of total capital, but a decreasing function of each of two types of capital. The distortion is defined as a policy intervention that increases the cost of using one of the types of capital. The relationship between this distortion and steady-stste growth is negative but highly nonlinear. At very low levels and very high levels of distortion, the effect on growth of changing the distortion is close to zero. Changes in structural parameters of the economy - - the elasticity of substitution between the two types of capital and the share of nondistorted capital in production - - will affect significantly the impact of the policy distortion on growth. The model is extended to an analysis of the relationship between the size of government and growth by treating the distortion strictly as a tax on one form of capital. The tax revenue is used to finance the acquisition of productive government capital. There is then a tradeoff between two forms of distortion- -one resulting from distortionary taxation and the other from insufficient public capital. Increasing the tax from zero has a positive effect on growth, but with further tax increases the relationship will eventually turn negative. Tax revenue ("size of government") as a function of the tax rate will be given by a Laffer curve. Growth still remains above a certain minimum as the tax rate gets arbitrarily large, but the range between relationship maximum and minimum growth will be larger than in the original model. The relationship between tax revenue and growth for alternative tax rates can be positive, negative, or zero. The same is true of the relationship between public and private investment. Changes in the share of tax revenue devoted to capital accumulation ("government saving") will affect the results. The results suggest that simple linear relationships between distortions and growth or between size of government and growth are untenable. The dialogue between advocates of liberalization and policymakers could be enriched by a recognition of the structural factors that influence the effect of lowering distortions on growth.
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