More related to international relations

In the spring of 1989, Chinese workers and students captured global attention as they occupied Tiananmen Square, demanded political change, and were tragically suppressed by the Chinese army. Months later, East German civilians rose up nonviolently, brought down the Berlin Wall, and dismantled their regime. Although both movements used tactics of civil resistance, their outcomes were different. Why? In Nonviolent Revolutions, Sharon Erickson Nepstad examines these and other uprisings in Panama, Chile, Kenya, and the Philippines. Taking a comparative approach that includes both successful and failed cases of nonviolent resistance, Nepstad analyzes the effects of movements' strategies along with the counter-strategies regimes developed to retain power. She shows that a significant influence on revolutionary outcomes is security force defections, and explores the reasons why soldiers defect or remain loyal and the conditions that increase the likelihood of mutiny. She then examines the impact of international sanctions, finding that they can at times harm movements by generating new allies for authoritarian leaders or by shifting the locus of power from local civil resisters to international actors. Nonviolent Revolutions offers essential insights into the challenges that civil resisters face and elucidates why some of these movements failed. With a recent surge of popular uprisings across the Middle East, this book provides a valuable new understanding of the dynamics and potency of civil resistance and nonviolent revolt.
In The Political Power of Bad Ideas, Mark Schrad uses one of the greatest oddities of modern history--the broad diffusion throughout the Western world of alcohol-control legislation in the early twentieth century--to make a powerful argument about how bad policy ideas achieve international success. His could an idea that was widely recognized by experts as bad before adoption, and which ultimately failed everywhere, come to be adopted throughout the world? To answer the question, Schrad utilizes an institutionalist approach and focuses in particular on the United States, Sweden, and Russia/the USSR. Conventional wisdom, based largely on the U.S. experience, blames evangelical zealots for the success of the temperance movement. Yet as Schrad shows, ten countries, along with numerous colonial possessions, enacted prohibition laws. In virtually every case, the consequences were disastrous, and in every country the law was ultimately repealed. Schrad concentrates on the dynamic interaction of ideas and political institutions, tracing the process through which concepts of dubious merit gain momentum and achieve credibility as they wend their way through institutional structures. He also shows that national policy and institutional environments count: the policy may have been broadly adopted, but countries dealt with the issue in different ways. While The Political Power of Bad Ideas focuses on one legendary episode, its argument about how and why bad policies achieve legitimacy applies far more broadly. It also extends beyond the simplistic notion that "ideas matter" to show how they influence institutional contexts and interact with a nation's political actors, institutions, and policy dynamics.
Turkey’s candidacy for membership of the European Union has had mixed effects on its public policies. The initial degree of cohesion between EU and Turkish national policies, practices and institutions has varied by the policy field in question, leading to a complex amalgam of fit and misfit between the two actors. Their interaction in different policy areas has had direct influence both on Turkey’s accession to the EU and its own national reform process. With accession negotiations stalled and Turkey’s relationship with the EU increasingly tenuous, it is vital to take stock of the extent to which Turkey and the EU are aligned in key policy areas.

The Europeanization of Turkish Public Policies: A Scorecard

is the first comprehensive work focusing on the impact of the EU accession process upon Turkey’s public policies between 1999 and 2014. Complementing the authors’ earlier volume Europeanization of Turkey: Polity and Politics, it brings together leading specialists to provide key analyses of the impact of Europeanization on specific areas of Turkey’s public policy. Each chapter applies a core analytical framework to examine a separate policy field, resulting in a consistent and comprehensive volume on Turkey-EU relations. With its focused structure and extensive coverage, concluding with a scorecard enabling informed assessment of the impact of Europeanization on Turkey’s public policy areas, this book provides a one-stop resource for scholars and students alike.

A timely and informed assessment of the dynamics and outcome of the Europeanization of an EU candidate country’s major public policy areas, this book represents an essential resource for those interested in EU-Turkey relations, the effects of Europeanization on Turkey, and Turkish politics.

This exciting new text brings together in one volume an overview of the many reflections on how we might address the problems and limitations of a state-centred approach in the discipline of International Relations (IR).

The book is structured into chapters on key concepts, with each providing an introduction to the concept for those new to the field of critical politics – including undergraduate and postgraduate students – as well as drawing connections between concepts and thinkers that will be provocative and illuminating for more established researchers in the field. They give an overview of core ideas associated with the concept; the critical potential of the concept; and key thinkers linked to the concept, seeking to address the following questions:

How has the concept traditionally been understood? How has the concept come to be understood in critical thinking? How is the concept used in interrogating the limits of state centrism? What different possibilities for engaging with international relations have been envisioned through the concept? Why are such possibilities for alternative thinking about international relations important? What are some key articles and volumes related to the concept which readers can go for further research?

Drawing together some of the key thinkers in the field of critical International Relations and including both established and emerging academics located in Asia, Europe, Latin America and North America, this book is a key resource for students and scholars alike.

At the turn of the millennium, and now after the fall of the Berlin wall, the best way to map the trajectories of contemporary international relations is hotly contested. Is the world more or less ordered than during the cold war? Are we on the way to a neo-liberal era of free markets and global governance, or in danger of collapsing into a new Middle Ages? Are we on the verge of a new world order or are we slipping back into an old one?
These issues are amongst those that have dominated International Relations Theory in the late 1980s and 1990s, but they have their roots in older questions both about the appropriate ways to study international relations and about the general frameworks and normative assumptions generated by various different methodological approaches. This book seeks to offer a general interpretation and critique of both methodolgical and substantive aspects of International theory, and in particular to argue that International Relations theory has seperated itself from the concerns of political theory more generally at considerable cost to each.
Focussing intially on the 'problem of order' in international politics, the book suggests that International Relations theory in the twentieth century had adopted two broad families of approaches, the first of which seeks to find ways of 'managing' order in international relations and the second of which seeks to 'end' the problem of order. It traces three specific sets of responses to the problem of order within the first approach, which emphasize 'balance', 'society' and 'institutions' and outlines two responses within the second grouping, an emphasis on emancipation and an emphasis on limits. Finally, the book assesses the state of International Relations theory today and suggests an alternative way of reading the problem of order which generates a different trajectory for theory in the twenty first century.
Was George W. Bush the true heir of Woodrow Wilson, the architect of liberal internationalism? Was the Iraq War a result of liberal ideas about America's right to promote democracy abroad? In this timely book, four distinguished scholars of American foreign policy discuss the relationship between the ideals of Woodrow Wilson and those of George W. Bush. The Crisis of American Foreign Policy exposes the challenges resulting from Bush's foreign policy and ponders America's place in the international arena.

Led by John Ikenberry, one of today's foremost foreign policy thinkers, this provocative collection examines the traditions of liberal internationalism that have dominated American foreign policy since the end of World War II. Tony Smith argues that Bush and the neoconservatives followed Wilson in their commitment to promoting democracy abroad. Thomas Knock and Anne-Marie Slaughter disagree and contend that Wilson focused on the building of a collaborative and rule-centered world order, an idea the Bush administration actively resisted. The authors ask if the United States is still capable of leading a cooperative effort to handle the pressing issues of the new century, or if the country will have to go it alone, pursuing policies without regard to the interests of other governments.


Addressing current events in the context of historical policies, this book considers America's position on the global stage and what future directions might be possible for the nation in the post-Bush era.

‘Destined Statecraft enriches our understanding of global affairs by presenting a perspective where small powers are no longer in the periphery, but take up the main narrative. This standpoint is all the more valuable in an age where the proactive decision-making of small powers often goes unobser ved. Professor Wong’s Destined Statecraft offers a fresh lens for discerning world issues, helping to extend the reader’s vision beyond the exterior towards a greater perception of the world we live in.’

—Mr Sungnam Lim, Vice-Minister of Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Republic of Korea

This book considers the post-2010 strategic shifts in the Anglo-American geopolitical approach to Asia as a pivotal new strategy in the U.S. geo- strategic containment plan, which has been reformed to rebalance the rise of China and the Eurasian heartland in the course of the two decades since the disintegration of the Soviet Union in the early 1990s. At this critical global-historical juncture, the People’s Republic of China has also devised a new counter-containment endeavor – the ‘One Belt One Road’ initiative, which aims to re-connect it with all the countries on the Eurasian landmass, forming a single community. Against this backdrop of the intensifying geopolitical and geo-economic competition between the U.S. and China, this book calls for the revival and reinvigoration of selected Eurasian small powers’ embedded geopolitical, political-economic and strategic-cultural structures. Drawing on Pierre Bourdieu’s notion of habitus, the book argues that these self- changing and unceasingly structuring structures do not only constrain and limit, but also enable and galvanize small powers’ strategists and policy- makers to proactively generate creative means-and-ends calculations, conduct prudent security assessments, and devise measured and responsive strategic deployments. In this context, the book proposes that the small powers return to their own religious, cultural and intellectual roots. It also argues for the need to rediscover their own strategic cultures as an essential means of re-inventing and implementing their own unique models of national development. As a substantial contribution to the subfields of small power politics and strategic cultures in international relations, the book marks a paradigm shift in both theory and practice. Exploring historical case studies from such diverse African, Asian and European powers as the Philippines, Liberia, Myanmar, India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Pakistan, Thailand, Germany, Japan, Indonesia, Russia, the European Union, Ukraine, Poland and the United Kingdom as well as China, the book presents engaging dialogues with a wealth of classical and contemporary Western and non-Western strategic thinkers, including: Thucydides, Sun Tzu, Halford Mackinder, Kautilya, King Solomon, Li Zongwu, King Bhumibol Adulyadej, Karl Haushofer, Carl Schmitt and the Malayo-Polynesian datu, as well as John Mearsheimer. In light of the post- 2017 U.S. ‘America First’ foreign policy agenda, this book represents an essential guide for small powers’ strategists, foreign policy-makers, security practitioners and national development planners – introducing them to a broader spectrum of strategic options that will help them not just survive, but thrive in the constantly shifting geopolitical currents of our time.

Why does Immanuel Kant (1724–1804) consistently invoke God and Providence in his most prominent texts relating to international politics? In this wide-ranging study, Seán Molloy proposes that texts such as Idea for a Universal History with Cosmopolitan Intent and Toward Perpetual Peace cannot be fully understood without reference to Kant’s wider philosophical projects, and in particular the role that belief in God plays within critical philosophy and Kant’s inquiries into anthropology, politics, and theology. Molloy’s broader view reveals the political-theological dimensions of Kant’s thought as directly related to his attempts to find a new basis for metaphysics in the sacrifice of knowledge to make room for faith.This book is certain to generate controversy. Kant is hailed as “the greatest of all theorists” in the field of International Relations (IR); in particular, he has been acknowledged as the forefather of Cosmopolitanism and Democratic Peace Theory. Yet, Molloy charges that this understanding of Kant is based on misinterpretation, neglect of particular texts, and failure to recognize Kant’s ambivalences and ambiguities. Molloy’s return to Kant’s texts forces devotees of Cosmopolitanism and other ‘Kantian’ schools of thought in IR to critically assess their relationship with their supposed forebear: ultimately, they will be compelled to seek different philosophical origins or to find some way to accommodate the complexity and the decisively nonsecular aspects of Kant’s ideas.
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