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Contrary to prior expectations, Narendra Modi has expended a significant amount of time, energy and political capital in conducting India's engagement with the outside world since becoming Prime Minister in May 2014. In accordance with wider perceptions about Modi, there were expectations of significant, if not radical, change in Indian foreign policy under his charge. This sentiment led to a section of Indian strategists and foreign policy watchers conceiving the notion of a 'Modi Doctrine' in Indian foreign policy. This notion of foreign policy 'doctrines' is not new to the analysis of Indian foreign policy. Previous incarnations include the 'Indira Doctrine' of the 1970s, the 'Gujral Doctrine' for a brief period in the late 1990s and the 'Manmohan Doctrine' in the period before Modi was elected as prime minister.

This edited volume attempts to interrogate the extent to which Indian foreign policy, under Modi, has undergone significant change and the extent to which this manifests itself as a new doctrine in Indian foreign policy. The individual chapters cover key bilateral relationships (the United States, China, Australia and Pakistan) as well as broader regional relationships (South Asia and the Indian Ocean Region) and specific themes (such as economic diplomacy).

Contents:Bilateral Engagements:Modi's China Policy — Change or Continuity? (Manjeet S Pardesi)Constructing an Indo-Pacific Partnership: Modi's Engagement with Australia (David Brewster)Modi and America: Great Expectations and Enduring Constraints (Sylvia Mishra)Embracing Japan: A Work in Progress (Anthony Yazaki)The Pakistan Challenge: Modi's 'China Card' (P S Suryanarayana)Themes/Geo-Political Regions:Modi's 'Neighbourhood First' Initiative (S D Muni)Modi's Foreign Economic Policy (Amitendu Palit)The Indian Ocean Policy of the Modi Government (Rajeev Ranjan Chaturvedy)
Dispersed across India, Pakistan, Nepal, Bangladesh, and Sri Lanka, Midnight's Descendants-the generations born since the 1947 "midnight hour partition" of British India-are the world's fastest growing population. This vast region and its peoples wield an enormous influence over global economics and geopolitics, yet their impact is too often simplified by accounts that focus solely on one nation and ignore the intricate web of affiliations that shape relations among British India's successor states. Now, in Midnight Descendants, celebrated historian John Keay presents the first comprehensive history of this complex and interconnected region, delving deep into the events that have shaped its past and continue to guide its future.

The 1947 partition was devastating to the larger of the newly created states, and it continues to haunt them to this day. Joined by their common origin and the fear of further partition, the five key nations of South Asia have progressed in tandem to a large degree. These countries have been forced to grapple with common challenges, from undeveloped economies and fractured societies to foreign interventions and the fraught legacy of imperialism, leaving them irrevocably intertwined. Combining authoritative historical analysis with vivid reportage, Keay masterfully charts South Asia's winding path toward modernization and democratization over the past sixty years. Along the way, he unravels the volatile India-Pakistan relationship; the rise of religious fundamentalism; the wars that raged in Kashmir and Sri Lanka; and the fortunes of millions of South Asia migrants dispersed throughout the world, creating a full and nuanced understanding of this dynamic region.

Expansive and dramatic, Midnight's Descendants is a sweeping narrative of South Asia's recent history, from the aftermath of the 1947 partition to the region's present-day efforts to transcend its turbulent past and assume its rightful role in global politics.
This edited book reflects the "yin-yang" of East Asia — the analogy of co-existing "hot and cold" trends in that region. To concentrate only on geopolitical competition and regional "hot spots" will exaggerate, if not misrepresent East Asia as a Hobbesian world. Nevertheless, geopolitical competition cannot be ignored because a failure of the balance of power and deterrence between China and the United States (and its allies) will destabilise the region. There are four "vectors" in the geopolitics of East Asia: China rising, the United States "rebalancing" to this region, Japan "normalising" as a nation-state and ASEAN emerging as a regional community. The interplay of these four "vectors" will set the trajectory of geopolitics in East Asia. Another focus of this volume is on the politics of identity. The distinctiveness, character and flavour of a group, real or imagined, can be "cool." "Cool" as in being charming and appealing transcends national boundaries. Plurality and diversity of identities and cultures in East Asia can be a celebration of life and humanity. However, xenophobic identities, often based on exclusive race, language, religion and hegemony, and its subsequent politicisation can rend a nation apart. Indeed, the affirmation of one's identity may be at the expense or denial of the identity of "the other." Similarly, the assertion and the intricacy of identity and nationalism in East Asia can also be problematic. However, a person or group can have multiple and different scales of identities. Indeed, identities can be fluid and situational. Contents: Introduction: Politics, Culture and Identity in East Asia: Integration and Division (The Editors)East Asia: Geopolitics and Economic Interdependency: Four Geopolitical Vectors in East Asia: China Rising, US Rebalancing, Japan "Normalising" and ASEAN Community Building (Lam Peng Er)Hot Spots in the Korean Peninsula and the East and South China Seas: Obstacles to an East Asian Community (Lam Peng Er)Economic Ties that Bind East Asia (Chiang Min-Hua)Politics of Identity: "Fishball Revolution" and Hong Kong's Identity (Lim Tai Wei)The Taiwanese Identity: Social Construction and Dynamic Changes in Cultural and Political Factors of Influence (Katherine Tseng Hui-Yi)ASEAN Identity: An Elusive Dream? (Lim Tai Wei)China, Japan and the Two Koreas: A Clash of Identities (Lam Peng Er)Regionalism, Popular Culture, Food, Media and Tourism: J-Pop and Manga in East Asia (Lim Tai Wei)Interlocking Cultural Relations Between South Korea and Its Neighbouring Countries (Lim Wen Xin)Chinese-Language Media in East Asia: Connectivity Amid Diversity (Shih Hui Min)China's Media Portrayal of ASEAN: From Antagonism to Euphoria to Circumspection (Lye Liang Fook)Intra-East Asian Tourism: An Exponential Rise Despite Bilateral Geopolitical Tensions (Liu Bojian)China: A New Global Education Hub (Wu Xiaoping)
Readership: Policymakers, academics, professionals, undergraduate and graduate students interested in geopolitics and politics of identities of East Asia.
Keywords: East Asia;Politics;International Relations;IndentitiesReview: Key Features: The diversity of scholars with individuals from Singapore, China, Malaysia and Taiwan lends different perspectives to the studying of East AsiaOther than the different nationalities of the scholars involved in this project, it is also a multidisciplinary venture with political scientists, economists, Japan experts, Sinologists and Southeast Asian experts involvedIt coinc
Is India ready for superpower status or too far behind China to ever catch up?

In his career as one of India's leading journalists and entrepreneurs, Raghav Bahl has often faced this question, and many others, from bewildered visitors:
* Why are Indian regulations so weak and confusing?
* Why is your foreign investment policy so restrictive?
* How come your hotels are world class, but the roads leading to them are so potholed?
* Why don't you lower your voice when you make fun of your politicians?
* Why do you control the price of oil and cable TV?

Clearly there's a huge difference in how India and its arch-rival China work on the ground. China is spectacularly effective in building infrastructure and is now reinvesting almost half its GDP. Meanwhile, India is still a "promising" economy: more than half its GDP is consumed by its billion-plus people, yet India has some unique advantages: Half its population is under twenty-five, giving it a strong demographic edge; 350 million Indians understand English, making it the largest English-speaking country in the world; and it's the world's largest democracy.

In the race to superpower status, who is more likely to win: China's hare or India's tortoise? Bahl argues that the winner might not be determined by who is investing more and growing faster today but by something more intangible: who has superior innovative skills and more entrepreneurial savvy.

He notes that China and India were both quick to recover from the financial crisis, but China's rebound was accompanied by huge debt and deflation, with weak demand. India's turnaround was sturdier, with lower debt and modest inflation. So India's GDP grew twice as fast as China's for a few quarters-the first time that had happened in nearly three decades. And in contrast to China's Yuan, which is pummeled for being artificially undervalued, India's rupee largely floats against world currencies. In the end, it might come down to one deciding factor: can India fix its governance before China repairs its politics?

With insights into the two countries' histories, politics, economies and cultures, this is a well-written, fully documented, comprehensive account of the race to become the next global superpower. For anyone looking to understand China, India and the future of the world economy, this is the book to read.
Rare earths are elements that are found in the Earth's crust, and are vital ingredients for the production of a wide variety of high tech, defense, and green technologies-everything from iPhones and medical technologies to wind turbines, efficiency lighting, smart bombs, and submarines. While they are not particularly "rare" in availability, they are difficult and expensive to mine. Yet, China has managed to gain control over an estimated 97 percent of the rare earth industry since the 1990s through cheap production, high export taxes, and artificial limitations of supply. Rare earths, and China's monopoly over them, became international news after China "unofficially" curtailed exports to Japan, the United States, and Europe in 2010. This embargo followed a collision between Chinese and Japanese boats in the East China Sea, a locus of geopolitical and economic tension between the two countries. Although the World Trade Organization forced China to scrap its restrictions, it still holds a stranglehold over these elements that are so critical to the economic and security interests of the United States and its allies. In this book, Sophia Kalantzakos argues that the 2010 rare earth crisis signaled more than just a trade dispute. Rather, it raises questions about China's use of economic statecraft, and must be regarded as a part of the larger discourse of global power relations. Importantly, she also argues that the failure of political actors in major industrial nations to enact comprehensive and effective policy solutions, or the scientific and business communities to devise sustainable rare earth production outside of China, points to future resource competition. Focusing on China's monopoly over the rare earth industry, China and the Geopolitics of Rare Earths examines the impacts of growing worldwide resource competition and the complexities policymakers face as they develop strategies and responses in an increasingly globalized world.
Andrei Lankov has gone where few outsiders have ever been. A native of the former Soviet Union, he lived as an exchange student in North Korea in the 1980s. He has studied it for his entire career, using his fluency in Korean and personal contacts to build a rich, nuanced understanding. In The Real North Korea, Lankov substitutes cold, clear analysis for the overheated rhetoric surrounding this opaque police state. After providing an accessible history of the nation, he turns his focus to what North Korea is, what its leadership thinks, and how its people cope with living in such an oppressive and poor place. He argues that North Korea is not irrational, and nothing shows this better than its continuing survival against all odds. A living political fossil, it clings to existence in the face of limited resources and a zombie economy, manipulating great powers despite its weakness. Its leaders are not ideological zealots or madmen, but perhaps the best practitioners of Machiavellian politics that can be found in the modern world. Even though they preside over a failed state, they have successfully used diplomacy-including nuclear threats-to extract support from other nations. But while the people in charge have been ruthless and successful in holding on to power, Lankov goes on to argue that this cannot continue forever, since the old system is slowly falling apart. In the long run, with or without reform, the regime is unsustainable. Lankov contends that reforms, if attempted, will trigger a dramatic implosion of the regime. They will not prolong its existence. Based on vast expertise, this book reveals how average North Koreans live, how their leaders rule, and how both survive.
Heartlands of Eurasia explores how received metageographical knowledge informs the understanding of global processes and is subsequently transformed into geopolitical reasoning with foreign policy implications. It provides a detailed examination of writings, from both within the region and outside, that look into the significance of Halford Mackinder's heritage in the context of a vastly changed world situation. In particular, it attempts to examine how policy makers and strategic thinkers have used these geopolitical concepts as justification for their policy in the region. Finally, it attempts an analysis of the extent to which this policy thinking was translated into practice. While the study looks into how the vision of the 'pivotal' significance of a vast expanse of land finds its echoes in contemporary narratives, it also underlines the very creative ways in which Mackinder's ideas have been reinterpreted in keeping with the changing global dynamics. Making use of the way in which the region has been traditionally defined and the way in which the people defined themselves, the study brings into focus a debate on the usefulness of region or 'area'-based studies that are located in geographical imaginations. Anita Sengupta uses this connection to examine the following issues: geopolitical imaginations and their relevance in identifying 'areas' in the present context; the intersection between how areas are defined from an outsider perspective and how people define themselves; the extent to which these definitions have influenced policy; and the possibility or feasibility of the development of alternative geostrategic discourses. Mackinder himself did not specify the geographical area identified first as the 'pivot' and later the 'heartland,' but his ideas were focused on the 'closed heartland of Euro-Asia,' an area that was unassailable by sea power. This study therefore centers its debates around the Eurasian space in general, though the focus is on the Central Asian region and Uzbekistan in particular. The book is ideal for specialists working on the Eurasian region, graduate students interested in geopolitics as well as Eurasian and Central Asian studies, and undergraduates studying political science and international relations.
Terrorism has become the greatest evil in our worlds today. It is perpetrated by fanatics who are utterly indifferent to the sanctity of human life. Although the international community remains divided a universal definition of what is meant by terrorism, yet it remains committed to confront it through a variety of means. Terrorism draws its motivation from a clear and organized intention. Terrorists believe they are acting out a moral imperative on behalf of a well-established organization. Terrorists are not maniacs, and terrorism is not an accident. Terrorism is carefully planned yet invisible until it strikes. This is one of terrorism’s most powerful aspects. Neither the time nor place is predictable. And the moment public fear subsides, terror may erupt again. Geopolitics is defined as a branch of geography that promises to explain the relationships between geographical realities and international affairs. The idea that such relationships exist was noted as early as the ancient Greeks. Although noted at this early time it was only with the discovery of the conceptual and methodological tools of modern geography that scholars became convinced they could examine the connections in something approaching scientific precision. Ideology acts as a veneer to cover real geopolitical interests and has been more than explicit in the American drive to camouflage its interests in Afghanistan and Central Asia under the cover of the “War on Terror.” While the American policy has been to sponsor ‘liberal democracy’ in Afghanistan and keep the war-ravaged country weak without allowing the state to consolidate power, it did not bother to strengthen the hands of the authoritarian rulers of Central Asia in the name of creating a common front against terrorism. The present book is a document of that issues that is giving a new global philosophy of terrorism to the entire world and showing the path for the return to normal life.
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