The book makes an important, and up-to-date, contribution to the many academic debates and disciplines which utilize Gramsci’s writings for theoretical support; the essays are highly representative of the most advanced contemporary work on Gramsci. Contributors include: Michael Denning – highly respected in the field of cultural studies; Stephen Gill – an eminent figure in international relations; Epifanio San Juan, Jr. – a major writer in post-colonial theory; Joseph Buttigieg —translator of Gramsci’s Prison Notebooks — ; Stanley Aronowitz, a distinguished sociologist, Marcia Landy — an important scholar of film studies; and Frank Rosengarten — editor of Gramsci’s Prison Letters.
This book will be of interest to students and scholars of political philosophy, economics, film and media studies, sociology, education, literature, post-colonial studies, anthropology, subaltern studies, cultural studies, linguistics and international relations.
On the morning of 30 October 1922, Mussolini arrived in Rome to accept the premiership of a constitutional, conservative government. Within five years, however, his regime would morph into a dictatorship that neither his fascist supporters nor the conservative old order could have predicted, and Mussolini himself would be transformed from figurehead to despot.
A multiplicity of personalities and wider impersonal forces, including the social upheaval caused by the previous world war, combined to make possible the crisis of 1922 and the Fascist ‘March on Rome’. But in fact, Donald Sassoon argues, things could have gone very differently and the core focus of this illuminating study is not so much what happened, but how. How did Mussolini seize power so effectively that he maintained it for the next twenty years, until he dragged his country, disastrously, into World War II? Social fragmentation, unionization, inflation and nationalism all played a part in weakening the old political system, while Mussolini seemed to provide answers in a troubling new era. In the event, Il Duce's ruthless political ambition and cruel authoritarianism would surprise his supporters and opponents alike.
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The book’s central argument is that although each of these thinkers is indeed ‘beyond’ Marx, the extent to which they abandon Marx’s theory is problematised through the continued inspiration they draw from a particular Marxist thinker: Laclau in relation to Gramsci’s theory of hegemony, Negri in relation to Lenin’s notion of organisational form; Badiou in relation to Mao’s notion of the ‘inquiry’ and the primacy of political praxis.
While providing a critical examination of the theory of revolutionary subjectivity in Laclau, Negri and Badiou, due to the fact such aspects were already present in Marx’s own theory, this book also offers insights into the nature of post-Marxism itself. Whilst accepting their respective differences, the conclusion offers a synthesis of all three theoretical approaches as a means of understanding the constitution of revolutionary subjectivity today.
The political strategy of paramilitary organization and assault on labor and the Socialists carried out by the Fascist Action Squads in collusion with men of property was crucial in determining their seizure of power. But this also determined the ideological and organizational contours of Fascism itself. The Fascist Squads' alliances with men of property made them a formidable faction within the Fascist organization that could and did challenge Mussolini's authority. The making of Fascism is thus marked by the irony of the relationship between Mussolini and his political power base--the Squads. The very element of paramilitary organization that was decisive in the Fascists' seizure of power in the provinces had to be submerged by Mussolini if he was to preserve his power. Historical and comparative sociologists, political sociologists, and students of Italian Fascism and Italian history will find this new explanation of the making of Fascism both provacative and fascinating.