The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Institutional Analysis

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It is increasingly accepted that 'institutions matter' for economic organization and outcomes. The last decade has seen significant expansion in research examining how institutional contexts affect the nature and behaviour of firms, the operation of markets, and economic outcomes. Yet 'institutions' conceal a multitude of issues and perspectives. Much of this research has been comparative, and followed different models such as 'varieties of capitalism', 'national business systems', and 'social systems of production'. This Handbook explores these issues, perspectives, and models, with the leading scholars in the area contributing chapters to provide a central reference point for academics, scholars, and students.
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About the author

Glenn Morgan is Professor of International Management, Cardiff Business School, Cardiff University. John Campbell is Class of 1925 Professor, Department of Sociology, at Dartmouth College. Colin Crouch is a professor at the Warwick Business School, University of Warwick. Ove Kaj Pedersen is a professor at the International Centre for Business and Politics, Copenhagen Business School. Richard Whitley is professor at the Manchester Business School, University of Manchester.
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Additional Information

Publisher
OUP Oxford
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Published on
Apr 8, 2010
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Pages
728
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ISBN
9780191613630
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Language
English
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Genres
Business & Economics / Economics / Comparative
Business & Economics / General
Political Science / Comparative Politics
Political Science / Public Policy / Economic Policy
Social Science / Human Geography
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Content Protection
This content is DRM protected.
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Eligible for Family Library

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Law, Politics and Society is the sixth and latest addition to the European Union Studies Association series, State of the European Union. The contributors of this volume take the dynamic interaction between law, politics and society as a starting point to think critically about recent developments and future innovations in European integration and EU studies. The book provides an overview of key events between 2000 and 2002 in the European Union, while illuminating how these institutional (formal legal) developments impact ordinary individuals and EU politics. For example, the European Convention with the possibility of an EU constitution is viewed not only as a new institutional development, but we examine what impact the creation of judicially enforceable rights has for Europeans and European integration. How does the opportunity for new rights claims alter the balance of power between individuals and EU organizations, such as the European Court of Justice, vis à vis national governments in EU policy expansion? Importantly, the volume also seeks to provide a unique and interdisciplinary approach to studying the European Union by bringing together both legal scholars and political scientists. Chapter contributors offer readers both sophisticated theoretical and empirical accounts of these new developments. Issues such as enlargement, immigration reform, and monetary union require not only a precise understanding of an increasingly complex set of formal legal rules (the domain of legal scholars), but equally important are the effects on ordinary citizens and political participation (the very power struggles that concern political scientists). This volume seeks to integrate these two approaches, not only by including the scholarship in a single volume, but by asking individual contributors to think outside their respective disciplines. The division between the legal and political, as many would argue, is often both artificial and unproductive. Our volume seeks to bridge this divide.
Much of the legal system existing among the members of the society of nations has its origin in treaties and agreements. A substantial share of the mutually-binding precepts governing the relations among independent nations flows from the engage ments to which they subscribe. By crystallizing juridical rela tionships, this world-wide network of compacts helps to stabilize international affairs, and its growth and development are essen tial in the absence of an acceptable alternative law-creating in stitution. From the standpoint of international practice, independent states are empowered to conclude commitments on virtually any subject of mutual interest. Not in all cases, however, does the national government of a country possess internally a treaty making authority coextensive with that of the state under inter national law. Constitutional prescriptions may restrict the range of subjects respecting which treaties may be negotiated, and in addition, as in the case of the United States, the constitutive act may confine the government to a prescribed method of conclud ing international treaties. The problem of American treaty authority and procedure has been under analysis and serious debate since the United States constitutional system was established in the late eighteenth cen tury. As this country increased its participation in international affairs and augmented the network of international arrangements to which it became a party, this fundamental problem has be come increasingly significant.
In the 19th century, the world was Europeanized. In the 20th century, it was Americanized. Now, in the 21st century, the world is being Asianized.

The “Asian Century” is even bigger than you think. Far greater than just China, the new Asian system taking shape is a multi-civilizational order spanning Saudi Arabia to Japan, Russia to Australia, Turkey to Indonesia—linking five billion people through trade, finance, infrastructure, and diplomatic networks that together represent 40 percent of global GDP. China has taken a lead in building the new Silk Roads across Asia, but it will not lead it alone. Rather, Asia is rapidly returning to the centuries-old patterns of commerce, conflict, and cultural exchange that thrived long before European colonialism and American dominance. Asians will determine their own future—and as they collectively assert their interests around the world, they will determine ours as well.

There is no more important region of the world for us to better understand than Asia – and thus we cannot afford to keep getting Asia so wrong. Asia’s complexity has led to common misdiagnoses: Western thinking on Asia conflates the entire region with China, predicts imminent World War III around every corner, and regularly forecasts debt-driven collapse for the region’s major economies. But in reality, the region is experiencing a confident new wave of growth led by younger societies from India to the Philippines, nationalist leaders have put aside territorial disputes in favor of integration, and today’s infrastructure investments are the platform for the next generation of digital innovation.

If the nineteenth century featured the Europeanization of the world, and the twentieth century its Americanization, then the twenty-first century is the time of Asianization. From investment portfolios and trade wars to Hollywood movies and university admissions, no aspect of life is immune from Asianization. With America’s tech sector dependent on Asian talent and politicians praising Asia’s glittering cities and efficient governments, Asia is permanently in our nation’s consciousness. We know this will be the Asian century. Now we finally have an accurate picture of what it will look like.
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