Turkey Beyond Nationalism

International Library of Twentieth Century History

Book 8
I.B.Tauris
1
Free sample

Nationalism was a defining characteristic of Turkey in the 20th century, and was a central driving force in Ataturk’s foundation of the Republic in 1923. How did the prominence of Kemalist ways of political thinking affect its people and its policies? How will Turkey make progress towards post-nationalism in the 21st century? To what extent has Turkey’s EU candidature been a vehicle of transformation since 1999 and what would EU membership mean for modern Turkey? This book explores the historical impact of Kemalism, anti-liberalism and westernization and examines the conditions which have contributed to the country’s evolution away from a nationalist political identity. Tracing the development of nationalism from its founding period before the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 to the present AKP government - and analysing key factors such as the position of minorities in the Turkification process and the influence of state and society centred religious politics - this strong and significant contribution casts a new light on a vivid international debate.
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Additional Information

Publisher
I.B.Tauris
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Published on
Oct 27, 2006
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Pages
264
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ISBN
9780857717573
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Language
English
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Genres
History / Modern / 20th Century
Political Science / American Government / General
Political Science / General
Political Science / Political Ideologies / Nationalism & Patriotism
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This content is DRM protected.
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On the outome of the Battle of the Atlantic from 1939 to 1945 depended Britain's survival in the midst of a global war. The need to control the sealanes to Britain was mirrored by a need to control the skies above. Carrier based aircraft and seaplanes would play an important role in defeating the German submarine menace and in combating her surface fleet. However, at the start of World War II Britain possessed neither the training or industrial establishment necessary to develop this arm of warfare. From 1940 onwards the United States provided answers to the problem firstly in the form of American built aircraft, then American built aircraft carriers and finally American trained pilots. Even before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Royal Air Force and Fleet Air Arm pilots were being trained in the United States under a scheme set up by the United States Navy as part of the Lend Lease agreement. In the safer skies over the United States American Navy pilots would train British aviation cadets how to fly and to fight. This process is examined from a variety of different perspectives including the military, diplomatic, educational and cultural. For many young British aviation cadets the journey across the Atlantic and across America was as surprising as it was lengthy. Many would find themselves caught up with issues such as segregation in the American South of which they had little understanding. The book is based on interviews and correspondence with hundreds of former cadets who trained in the United States in the 1940s together with material from the British and American archives.
The Austrian Centre was established in London in 1939 by Austrians seeking refuge from Nazi Germany, of whom 30,000 had reached Britain by the outbreak of World War II. On the declaration of war, all Austrians became ‘enemy aliens’ in the eyes of the British state. With the threat of invasion in May 1940, many of the Centre’s activists and most of its members were interned. Despite these setbacks, the Centre quickly developed into a comprehensive social, cultural and political organisation. By 1941 it had three branches in London, as well as others elsewhere. At its main Paddington centre, it ran a library and a reading-room, produced a weekly newspaper and published a wide range of books and pamphlets. The premises at Swiss Cottage housed a theatre, the ‘Laterndl’, which regularly produced plays and revues, featuring well-known actors and directors. The Centre also sponsored a regular musical programme comprising concerts and choral performances. The aim of this cultural programme was not only to satisfy the cultural needs of Austrian refugees, but also to establish a distinct Austrian cultural identity: a conscious correlative to the political agenda pursued more overtly through the Centre’s political offshoot, the Communist-influenced Free Austrian Movement, founded in 1941 to campaign for the post-war restoration of a democratic and independent Austria. In the first book on the cultural and political life of Austrian refugees in Britain, Out of Austria assesses and evaluates the Austrian Centre’s activities and achievements, while also examining the Austrians’ often fraught relations with their British hosts. The Centre was a place where contrasting biographies briefly intersected. Sigmund Freud became the Centre’s Honorary President during his final months; the poet Erich Fried, then an unknown seventeen-year-old, took his first literary steps there. 'Out of Austria' sheds light on the interaction of politics and culture against the background of exile in wartime Britain.
The final weeks of World War I saw a revolutionary upheaval in Europe, as old empires collapsed, and new, self-proclaimed ‘nation-states’ emerged in their place. This new order was enshrined in the post-war settlement, by which boundaries of ethnic identity and political authority were deliberately aligned. But problems abounded, and none of the new states presented a greater challenge, or a more complex picture, than Yugoslavia. For its advocates the new South Slav state represented a largely uniform culture and identity. But as its official name - the Kingdom of the Serbs, Croats and Slovenes - suggested, its population was by no means homogeneous. In Britain, where the Slav lands of the Austro-Hungarian Empire were little known prior to the war, official and unofficial observers alike strove to comprehend the new state’s complex political make-up. Only belatedly did they appreciate the extent to which divisions of religious affiliation and historical tradition continued to override a linguistic unity which was itself less complete than widely claimed. In this study James Evans closely analyses British attitudes, looking in detail at the ways in which ideas about Yugoslav nationality were influenced by readings of the region’s diverse history and culture - and, no less importantly, at the ways in which assumptions about the region’s history and culture were reshaped by newly prevalent ideas about Yugoslav nationality. Attitudes and preconceptions first formed during this period would prove remarkably enduring, making their mark on British responses to events in Yugoslavia throughout the country’s troubled history. As a result, this study sheds valuable light not only on attitudes to Yugoslav nationality in the early 20th century, but also on western responses to the violent demise of the Yugoslav state at the century’s close. (284 words)?
Since the regime of Slobodan Miloševi? was spectacularly overthrown on 5 October 2000, little has been written about subsequent political developments in Serbia. The common perception of Miloševi? as a criminal leader who plunged the former Yugoslavia into bloodshed, used violence to achieve his aims and incited ethnic hatred is not widely disputed among Western observers. However, to what extent is this view of Miloševi? shared by people in Serbia? Here Janine Clark provides an original insight into the Miloševi? period, by exploring the experiences and opinions of people who lived under the regime. Collecting first-hand information from Serbians, two dominant images of Miloševi? emerge. One is the view of Miloševi? as a ‘bad’ leader; a leader who destroyed his country and impoverished his own people, who cared only about himself and about power, who was incompetent and lacked ability and who made crucial mistakes. The other is the idea of Miloševi? as a victim; a victim of himself, of the people around him - especially his wife, and of the West. Clark explores the significance of these domestic perceptions. Many Serbs do not regard Miloševi? as a criminal leader but rather as a ‘bad’ leader whose greatest crimes were against his own people, and this has important implications for how Serbia deals with its past. This in turn has major implications for reconciliation and peace-building in the former Yugoslavia. Janine Clark offers us the first comprehensive understanding of this troubled country and its relationship with its former leader. She reminds us that although Miloševi? is no longer alive, the way in which he is remembered and popularly perceived means that he will continue to have an indirect influence on Serbia’s future. The country remains, therefore, in the shadow of Miloševic?.
On the outome of the Battle of the Atlantic from 1939 to 1945 depended Britain's survival in the midst of a global war. The need to control the sealanes to Britain was mirrored by a need to control the skies above. Carrier based aircraft and seaplanes would play an important role in defeating the German submarine menace and in combating her surface fleet. However, at the start of World War II Britain possessed neither the training or industrial establishment necessary to develop this arm of warfare. From 1940 onwards the United States provided answers to the problem firstly in the form of American built aircraft, then American built aircraft carriers and finally American trained pilots. Even before the Japanese attack on Pearl Harbor, Royal Air Force and Fleet Air Arm pilots were being trained in the United States under a scheme set up by the United States Navy as part of the Lend Lease agreement. In the safer skies over the United States American Navy pilots would train British aviation cadets how to fly and to fight. This process is examined from a variety of different perspectives including the military, diplomatic, educational and cultural. For many young British aviation cadets the journey across the Atlantic and across America was as surprising as it was lengthy. Many would find themselves caught up with issues such as segregation in the American South of which they had little understanding. The book is based on interviews and correspondence with hundreds of former cadets who trained in the United States in the 1940s together with material from the British and American archives.
The first English-language biography of the de facto ruler of the late Ottoman Empire and architect of the Armenian Genocide

Talaat Pasha (1874–1921) led the triumvirate that ruled the late Ottoman Empire during World War I and is arguably the father of modern Turkey. He was also the architect of the Armenian Genocide, which would result in the systematic extermination of more than a million people, and which set the stage for a century that would witness atrocities on a scale never imagined. Here is the first biography in English of the revolutionary figure who not only prepared the way for Atatürk and the founding of the republic in 1923, but who shaped the modern world as well.

In this explosive book, Hans-Lukas Kieser provides a mesmerizing portrait of a man who maintained power through a potent blend of the new Turkish ethno-nationalism, the political Islam of former Sultan Abdulhamid II, and a readiness to employ radical "solutions" and violence. From Talaat's role in the Young Turk Revolution of 1908 to his exile from Turkey and assassination--a sensation in Weimar Germany—Kieser restores the Ottoman drama to the heart of world events. He shows how Talaat wielded far more power than previously realized, making him the de facto ruler of the empire. He brings wartime Istanbul vividly to life as a thriving diplomatic hub, and reveals how Talaat's cataclysmic actions would reverberate across the twentieth century.

In this major work of scholarship, Kieser tells the story of the brilliant and merciless politician who stood at the twilight of empire and the dawn of the age of genocide.

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