Poland and Spain in the Interwar and Postwar Period

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 In the second volume comparing Poland and Spain (the comparison being fruit of cooperation between the University of Warsaw and the CEU San Pablo University in Madrid) we concentrate on studying two historical periods of the 20th century, the happy 1920′s of the interwar period and later on at the end of World War II. The two periods have been studied in their corresponding countries but have never been compared in parallel to see their coincidences and differences. Poland and Spain of the time allow for a comparison due to the similar populations, social agricultural models with intensely industrialised local centres and modern structuring processes which lead to a crisis of the very national unity. The selected periods present indispensable similarities which make the study interesting.
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About the author

Małgorzata Mizerska-Wrotkowska. Political scientist, doctor of philosophy in humanities, assistant professor at the Institute of European Studies at the Faculty of Journalism and Political Science, University of Warsaw.

José Luis Orella Martínez. Doctor of philosophy in history and political law, assistant professor of Contemporary History, at San Pablo CEU University, Madrid. 

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Published on
Oct 1, 2015
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Political Science / General
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From the editor-at-large of Breitbart.com comes a galvanizing and alarming look at the strategy and tactics of leftist thuggery.

While President Obama and the left like to pretend that they oppose bullying with all their hearts and souls, the truth is far darker: the left is the greatest purveyor of bullying in modern American history. Bullying has morphed into the left’s go-to tactic, as they attempt to quash their opponents through fear, threat of force, violence, and rhetorical intimidation on every major issue facing America today.

Ben Shapiro uncovers the simple strategy used by liberals and their friends in the media: bully the living hell out of conservatives. Play the race card, the class card, the sexism card. Use any and every means at your disposal to demonize your opposition—to shut them up. Then pretend that such bullying is justified, because, after all, conservatives are the true bullies, and need to be taught a lesson for their intolerance. Hidden beneath the left’s supposed hatred of bullying lies a passionate love of its vulgar tactics.

The left has created a climate of fear wherein ordinary Americans must abandon their principles, back abhorrent causes, and remain silent. They believe America is a force for evil, that our military is composed of war criminals, and that patriotism is the deepest form of treason. They incite riots and threaten violence by playing the race card, then claim they’re advocates for tolerance. Disagree with Obama? You must be a racist. They send out union thugs and Occupy Wall Street anarchists to destroy businesses and redistribute the wealth of earners and job creators. No target is off limits as liberal feminists declare war against stay-at-home moms, and gay activists out their enemies, destroy careers, and desecrate personal privacy.

These are the most despicable people in America, bullying their opponents while claiming to be the victims. Shapiro takes on the leftist bullies, exposes their hypocrisy, and offers conservatives a reality check in the face of what has become the gravest threat to American liberty: the left’s single-minded focus on ending political debate through bully tactics.
 Una vez más, el Front National francés ha vuelto a las portadas de los periódicos como un tema recurrente. Considerado dentro del espectro de la extrema derecha gala, consiguió el primer puesto en las elecciones europeas del 2014 con el 24,9 % de los votos, cifra nunca alcanzada con anterioridad.

El Front se sitúa como la nueva amenaza para la Francia republicana de cara a las elecciones presidenciales de 2017. El presente libro aborda el devenir de la derecha nacional francesa desde la finalización de la II Guerra Mundial hasta nuestros días, ello sirve para centrar los antecedentes del Front National, no tanto en los grupúsculos neofascistas de la época sino más bien en el populismo del movimiento encabezado por Pierre Poujade, surgido en 1953, y en la campaña presidencial de Jean Louis Tixier-Vignancour en 1965.

Otro punto de interés es la evolución sufrida por el propio Front National desde la marginalidad del sistema político, con resultados electorales insignificantes en sus primeros años de vida, hasta las elecciones presidenciales del 2002, donde su líder logró colocarse en la segunda vuelta electoral, desplazando a un tercer lugar al candidato del socialismo francés.

Tras esa fecha, y tras producirse la renovación en la cúpula de la organización, el Front National ha aumentado considerablemente sus apoyos, ampliando sus bases electorales, pero también transformando su discurso, distanciándose con su pasado y presentándose como una alternativa popular republicana, heredera del gaullismo más que de la Francia de Vichy, euroescéptica y defensora del Estado social frente a las políticas neoliberales.

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