The aim of this study is to fill a significant gap in the existing literature on the role of non-state actors, ranging from rebels and criminal gangs at one extreme to the corporate security industry at the other. As part of the general privatisation of the security sector in the western world, combined with the US-led war on terror, non-state actors have increasingly been tied to the foreign policy priorities of the dominant western military powers. Iraq and Afghanistan are the examples often used, and are well-described in other chapters in this book. In sub-Saharan Africa, as in many fragile states around the world, this picture is blurred, and it is often difficult to make clear distinctions between public and private, or between illegal and legal etc., (non)-state actors.
According to much of the academic literature, the nature of war changed dramatically in the last part of the twentieth century, especially after the end of the Cold War. According to this logic there is a dichotomy between war as a social phenomenon and warfare as the domain of the state, as envisaged by the late Prussian military theorist, Carl von Clausewitz, in the shape of the “Trinitarian War”. The lack of capacity on the part of predominately Third World states to control conflicts has led to low-intensity conflicts (LIC), which can be witnessed, for instance, in Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Colombia and Sri Lanka. Since the end of the Cold War it has been common for weak state rulers with formal state legitimacy but not empirical legitimacy to have continued to enjoy international recognition because of international fears that they are the only barrier against a total collapse. Amongst other things this paved the way for an expansion of the market for private military and security companies (PMSC) such as the South African-based Executive Outcomes (EO) in the 1990s. However, the lack of state capacity led to a sub-contracting, willingly or unwillingly, of the state’s monopoly on the use of force to non-state actors, PMSCs and semi-state actors, like local militias, warlords, criminal gangs and vigilant groups, in an attempt to secure weak state leaders’ positions. In the competition for state control internationally recognised leaders have an advantage over their non-state rivals because they can seek military help outside their countries with the agreement of the international community and in accordance with international law.
The first part of this book builds on my travels and encounters with Greenland’s politicians, fishermen, schoolteachers and intellectuals – including my old classmate from Maniitsoq, who became a very wise vicar in her hometown and now appears in chapter 3. Through all these conversations I learned just how dramatic the present wave of changes in Greenland are. Never before did I understand just how complex the desire for increased independence is, or how dramatic the clashes between old and new are, or how volcanic the debate over which path to choose for the future can be. An insight into these local discussions is surely a prerequisite if one wants to understand the broader discussion about Greenland’s future relations to Denmark and its changing role in the world.
The second part deals with hard-core politics – about mining and oil, and about the rest of the world’s – including China’s - interest in Greenland’s oil, gas, uranium, rare earths, gold and other riches. This part of the book grapples with the political in-fights in Greenland and with the power struggles between Denmark and Greenland over resources, foreign policy and identity. Legally, for half a century, Greenland has been part of the Kingdom of Denmark, but also increasingly a very self-conscious one of the sort.
My observations flow from my work as a journalist in Greenland and Denmark over the past years, where I worked for the Danish Broadcasting Corporation and other media outlets. I am Danish, I lived only two years in Greenland as a teenager, but I have come there often in later years. My errand is not to forward any opinion on Greenland’s position as a part of the Danish realm, nor do I pass judgment on the popular vision of future secession. If anything, I hope to throw light on the complexities involved and to encourage more people to take part in this important debate by providing detail, real human beings, facts and observations from places that would, for most people outside Greenland, be somewhat cumbersome to reach.
In Faculty Success through Mentoring, the authors describe the tangible benefits of formal, traditional mentoring programs, in which mentor-mentee interactions are deliberate, structured, and goal-oriented. They outline the characteristics of effective mentors, mentees, and mentoring programs, and cover other models of mentoring programs, such as group and peer mentoring, which are particularly suited for senior and mid-career faculty.
Also included are tools that institutions, mentors, and mentees can use to navigate successfully through the phases of a mentoring relationship. One of the unique features of this book is its explicit attention to the challenges to effective mentoring across genders, ethnicities, and generations. No matter what role one plays in mentoring, this book is an invaluable resource.
However, this tourism has some other negative, dark, delinquent aspects, such as sex tourism, death tourism, illegal medical tourism etc, all which are highlighted systematically and in an analytical manner in this book, as the invisible and defamatory side. The contributors - people that deacon scientifically and professionally tourism for years – wish these iniquities and corruptions, to be known to the state as well as to the wide public, in order to find ways to confront them.
This book is addressed to all those that they love, study or work in the tourism sector and through this are hoping of the reinforcement of its constructive aspect.
A mere two weeks before the financial crisis broke out in 2008, Niels B. Christiansen was appointed top executive of Danfoss with a staff of 23,000 employees. The crisis hit the enterprise hard, requiring the layoff of several thousands of employees. In spite of the crisis, Danfoss has succeeded in establishing a new, long-term strategy, which has attracted international attention, and Danfoss has since achieved more value creation than its competitors, such as the juggernauts German Siemens, American Emerson Electric and Swedish-Swizz ABB.
Here is the book that tells the story.
Democracies operate as if Information is second to the other elements of national power. In fact it is the aspect from which all power is derived. We fail to understand this at our peril, while our adversaries ‘get it’.
In democracies to autocracies, information is a valuable resource that is increasingly difficult to control. That is how it should be. However, the Weaponization of Social Media, as Thomas Nissen adeptly describes it, is simultaneously based on and enabling several dangerous trajectories. These include new marketplaces for loyalty, the ability to opt-in (and out) of identities, perceived transparency across battlefields and diplomacy, and media illiteracy and a commensurate decline in the standards of journalism.
The Changing Disability Policy System: Active Citizenship and Disability in Europe Volume 1approaches the conditions for Active Citizenship from a macro perspective in order to capture the impact of the overall disability policy system. This system takes diverse and changing forms in the nine European countries under study. Central to the analysis are issues of coherence and coordination between three subsystems of the disability policy system, and between levels of governance.
This book identifies the implications and policy lessons of the findings for future disability policy in Europe and beyond. It will appeal to policymakers and policy officials, as well as to researchers and students of disability studies, comparative social policy, international disability law and qualitative research methods.
Written by interdisciplinary contributors from politics, sociology, law and philosophy, it examines the transformation of social citizenship through a series of illuminating case studies, comparing Nordic countries and other European nations.
Dealing with the following areas of national and European welfare policy, legislation and practice:activation – reforms linking income maintenance and employment promotion scope for participation of marginal groups in deliberation and decision-making impact of human rights legislation for welfare and legal protection against discrimination and social barriers to equal market participation coordination of social security systems to facilitate cross-border mobility in Europe pension reform – efforts to make pension systems sustainable.
Citizenship in Nordic Welfare States will be of interest to students and researchers of social policy, comparative welfare, social law, political science, sociology and European studies.
Building on a European study comparing Germany, Italy, Poland, Sweden and the UK, this book provides new insights into the processes and mechanisms that promote or hinder interaction between the increasingly multi-layered European system for responding to poverty and social exclusion in EU member states. The contributors present systematic and comparative analyses of social policy design, institutional frameworks and delivery practices from a multi-level governance perspective.
Original and diverse, this book will appeal to researchers and scholars in comparative social policy, as well as policy officials in the EU, national government and anti-poverty NGOs.