Waning Of The Jiang-zhu Coalition, The: China After The 2000 National People's Congress

East Asian Institute Contemporary China Series

Book 29
World Scientific
Free sample

With mounting discontent due to widespread unemployment, corruption and misgovernment, the Ninth National People's Congress in March 2000 was a letdown. Significant though was Premier Zhu Rongji's announcement at the Congress of the leadership's decision to go west. While Zhu explained the policy shift as the government's attempt to develop the country's inland regions, many are skeptical, dismissing it as a camouflage for the premier's failure in the reform programmes introduced when he came to power. On the international front, with the US ambivalence in regard to China's WTO accession and China's apparent loss of grip on cross-straits relations, the future of the Jiang leadership appears to be in the balance.Against this background of neiyou waihuan (internal disturbance and external threats), will the Jiang-Zhu coalition be able to rise to the occasion and push through its many reform programmes, let alone retain its hold on power? China After the 2000 National People's Congress, (I) and (II) address this and related questions, giving an in-depth analysis of recent developments and changes in the power relations among China's top leaders, especially the Jiang-Zhu coalition.
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Additional Information

Publisher
World Scientific
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Published on
Jun 15, 2000
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Pages
48
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ISBN
9789814492768
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Language
English
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Genres
Political Science / Political Freedom
Political Science / Public Policy / Economic Policy
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Content Protection
This content is DRM protected.
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The greatest success of Chinese enterprise reform has been the creation of market competition. Competition has forced the state to retreat from non-strategic sectors and increased private ownership in the industry. This development has created ownership diversification in the Chinese industry, which is in line with the leadership's 2-R (”Retreat and Retain”) enterprise reform policy. The ownership diversification is a distinction of the reformed economy, called “a socialist economy with Chinese characteristics”. The backbone of the economy is the large state firms in strategic sectors, largely shielded from international competition, in which most of them have been coping well with the domestically competitive environment. After China's entry to the WTO, can these firms still maintain their market dominance once all forms of protection are dismantled? Are Chinese firms ready for direct competition with their foreign rivals in the manufacturing sector? Will FAW, China's No. 1 state-owned automotive corporation, be defeated on its home ground by its foreign rivals in a freely accessed market? The core of these questions is about the sustainability of diversified ownership in the economy after it is integrated with the world trading system. Who will dominate the Chinese industry after the WTO entry: foreign or private ownership? The question is addressed by applying the market structure and entry theory of industrial economics, since WTO accession will basically result in change in both the market type and the market structure of the industry. Based on this, the study developed the market share testing theory to assess the competitiveness of dominant incumbents according to the type of market. The overall finding is that most large state incumbents will survive but their survival strategy will be changed from single ownership control to mixed ownership control. Thus, it is expected that more joint ventures between foreign and large state-owned firms will emerge in the post-WTO-entry economy. But whether such firms will evolve into foreign-controlled state-owned firms is an interesting question which remains to be answered.
In December 2001, Taiwan held an election that many observers said, in addition to the 2000 election that resulted in opposition party leader Chen Shui-bian winning the presidency, consolidated its democracy. This election made President Chen's party, the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP), the largest party in the legislature and gave him an opportunity to implement his agenda. President Chen had not been able to do previously due to the opposition's large legislative majority and the political gridlock that had plagued Taiwan for some months.This book examines the political milieu in which the campaign was conducted, the candidates, party platforms and strategies, the campaign, and the results of the election. It also assesses the domestic and international responses to the election and its political ramifications.The author argues that the DPP won using questionable tactics, thus diminishing its otherwise significant victory while creating doubts about the “Taiwan political miracle”. The KMT lost badly. The People First Party, created by James Soong after the 2000 presidential election, performed very well in this election. Former president Lee Teng-hui helped found a new party shortly before this election to help President Chen by drawing support away from the KMT; it performed well.The author concludes that the election mirrored Taiwan's new four-party system, which is divided into two camps. While the “green” bloc (the DPP and Lee's new party) performed well, the “blue” team (the KMT and Soong's party) won a majority. Taiwan's party politics, the author says, remain in flux.
The greatest success of Chinese enterprise reform has been the creation of market competition. Competition has forced the state to retreat from non-strategic sectors and increased private ownership in the industry. This development has created ownership diversification in the Chinese industry, which is in line with the leadership's 2-R (”Retreat and Retain”) enterprise reform policy. The ownership diversification is a distinction of the reformed economy, called “a socialist economy with Chinese characteristics”. The backbone of the economy is the large state firms in strategic sectors, largely shielded from international competition, in which most of them have been coping well with the domestically competitive environment. After China's entry to the WTO, can these firms still maintain their market dominance once all forms of protection are dismantled? Are Chinese firms ready for direct competition with their foreign rivals in the manufacturing sector? Will FAW, China's No. 1 state-owned automotive corporation, be defeated on its home ground by its foreign rivals in a freely accessed market? The core of these questions is about the sustainability of diversified ownership in the economy after it is integrated with the world trading system. Who will dominate the Chinese industry after the WTO entry: foreign or private ownership? The question is addressed by applying the market structure and entry theory of industrial economics, since WTO accession will basically result in change in both the market type and the market structure of the industry. Based on this, the study developed the market share testing theory to assess the competitiveness of dominant incumbents according to the type of market. The overall finding is that most large state incumbents will survive but their survival strategy will be changed from single ownership control to mixed ownership control. Thus, it is expected that more joint ventures between foreign and large state-owned firms will emerge in the post-WTO-entry economy. But whether such firms will evolve into foreign-controlled state-owned firms is an interesting question which remains to be answered.
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