The New World Architecture

Globalization in the 21st Century

Book 1
Transaction Publishers
Free sample

The collapse of the bipolar world sustained by the United States and the former Soviet Union led to a power vacuum in the 1990s that the European Union has only reluctantly begun to fill. It is under pressure to take over important international tasks and roles in order to develop a new equilibrium in the system of international relations. After 2000, reforms were undertaken so that the European Union could deal more efficiently with the tasks the new political system had acquired since the early 1990s. With respect to its international role, reorganization of the EU's external relations department was high on the list. The New World Architecture explores the contribution that the European Union is making to the emerging global governance system. It discusses the theoretical and historical aspects of European integration within the framework of the emerging regional EU and global governance systems. It explores three regimes of governance that are contributing to holding together the new emerging EU multilevel governance system. None of these is complete; all are partial. They include the political regime of governance; the socioeconomic regime of governance; and the territorial regime of governance. The author assesses the impact of the European Union on global politics. The Mediterranean and Latin America represent regions in which the European Union is investing considerable effort in order to create new forms of cooperation. Magone argues that within the next twenty-five years global governance may and should emerge as the new and reconfigured stable system of international relations. In this system, the European Union is and will remain the most advanced regional system. This volume will be of interest to specialists, scholars, and students of European Politics and the European Union.
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About the author

José M. Magone is professor of global and regional governance at the Berlin School of Economics and Law. He is known for his work in the fields of global and regional governance, comparative European politics, and European regional policy. Among his many publications are The New World Architecture, Contemporary Spanish Politics, and Contemporary European Politics.

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Additional Information

Publisher
Transaction Publishers
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Published on
Dec 31, 2011
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Pages
349
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ISBN
9781412838030
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Language
English
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Genres
Business & Economics / Economics / General
History / Europe / General
History / General
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Content Protection
This content is DRM protected.
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Writers, observers, and practitioners of international politics frequently invoke the term "geopolitics" to describe, explain, or analyze specific foreign policy issues and problems. Such generalized usage ignores the fact that geopolitics as a method of understanding international relations has a history that includes a common vocabulary, well-established if sometimes conflicting concepts, an extensive body of thought, and a recognized group of theorists and scholars. In Geopolitics, Francis P. Sempa presents a history of geopolitical thought and applies its classical analyses to Cold War and post-Cold War international relations. While mindful of the impact of such concepts as "globalization" and the "information revolution" on our understanding of contemporary events, Sempa emphasizes traditional geopolitical theories in explaining the outcome of the Cold War. He shows that, the struggle between the Western allies and the Soviet empire was unique in its ideological component and nuclear standoff, the Cold War fits into a recurring geopolitical pattern. It can be seen as a consequence of competition between land powers and sea powers, and between a potential Eurasian hegemonic power and a coalition of states opposed to that would-be hegemony. The collapse of the Soviet empire ended the most recent threat to global stability. Acting as a successor to the British Empire, the United States organized, funded, and led a grand coalition that successfully countered the Soviet quest for domination. No power or alliance posed an immediate threat to the global balance of power. Indeed, the end of the Cold War generated hopes for a "new world order" and predictions that economics would replace geopolitics as the driving force in international politics. Russian instability, the nuclear dimension of the India-Pakistan conflict, and Chinese bids for dominance have turned the Asia-Pacific region into what Mahan called "debatable and debated ground." Russia, Turkey, Iran, India, Pakistan, China, Japan, the Koreas, and the United States all have interests that collide in one or more of the areas of this region.
All United Nations heads of state have endorsed the Millennium Development Goals, which aim to reduce the incidence of absolute poverty by half by 2015. To reach those goals, growth in developing countries will have to be twice the levels achieved in the 1990s for the next fifteen years. This will require, at the least, new rules of the development game. At present, rich countries exercise control over the institutions that oversee the global economy. This volume addresses a curiously neglected area of policy analysis--the impact of rich countries' policies on the global poor. Four-fifths of the world's people subsist on one-fifth of the world's income. One-fifth live in abject poverty, on less than one dollar a day. The main responsibility for reducing poverty reduction naturally rests with developing countries. But globalization means that rich countries must also play their part.Industrialized countries dominate global environmental management through the heavy ecological footprint of their production and consumption patterns. Adjustments of their policies by rich countries may be as critical as government reforms in poor countries. Past research has concentrated on policy adjustments that need to be made within poor countries to aid effectiveness, and trade reform. Relatively little is known about the economic consequences of migration, control of intellectual property, and environmental regulations. Even less research has been done on the interaction and combined impact of the full spectrum of rich countries' policies on the economy, society, and ecology in poor countries. These knowledge gaps inhibit rational debate, let alone evidence-based policymaking that may lead towards sustainable and equitable growth. At current levels, aid alone cannot deliver adequate progress towards the Millennium Development Goals.The surveys by eminent development analysts and practitioners included in this volume sketch a road map for a better understanding of the mechanics of globalization and the improved design of development policies.
Global Development and Human Security explores the possibility of connecting all countries to the global economy while defusing the social tensions and managing the security risks that can result from exposure to a turbulent international system. The complex intersection between security and development policies has not been adequately mapped or explored. Frail and failing states that lack sound market and security institutions are the weak links in an interconnected global system. Yet aid allocation principles discourage engagement with these "difficult partners," and the insular culture of development assistance hinders interaction with the security community. In a world beset by "problems without passport" (infectious diseases, environmental pollution, international crime, conflict spillovers, terrorism, etc.), a new paradigm should supplant the now obsolete development consensus. The authors took stock of current development practices through the prism of Sweden's Shared Responsibility bill, which addresses peace, security, opportunity, environmental conservation, human rights, and democracy. The resulting volume draws the implications of emerging threats to global peace and prosperity for development policy and practice. It seeks to build bridges of understanding between the development community and the security establishment by bringing together lessons of experience currently scattered in the literature. Each chapter is self-contained and includes policy findings and recommendations. The book is principally aimed at practitioners who need up-to-date knowledge about security and development issues. Publication of this paperback edition makes the book available for use as an introductory text for security specialists with little knowledge of development or for development specialists with limited knowledge of security, or for college or university students in these areas.
In the course of its development the EU has had to deal with an expanding policy agenda, covering ever more subjects and an increased diversity of instruments. It has also had to deal with an increased number of member states and an extended range of partners (regional authorities, non governmental organisations). These developments have greatly increased the risk of inconsistencies between the various policies pursued and between the various levels of competence for the same policy. Inconsistent policies are less effective than they ought to be. So, they imply a welfare loss.

The EU has tried to cope with the challenge of consistency by adapting its governance. Traditionally it uses mainly the regulatory method. The effectiveness of this method has recently come into question. So alternative methods are now favoured. One is the financial method; which implies more expenditure via the EU budget. The other is coordination. The application of both methods has certain advantages and disadvantages. The problem for policy makers is then to determine the choice between the modes first and the optimal level of budgetary and coordination efforts next. Notwithstanding its obvious policy relevance the problem has got little attention from academia.

This book sets out to contribute to a solution by following two approaches. The first is a systematisation of the theoretical and conceptual underpinnings of the financial and coordination methods. The second is an empirical investigation into a range of European policy processes, implying to different degrees budgetary outlays and coordination.

After decades of isolation and a turbulent transition to democracy, Portugal's integration into the European Union has given political, economic, social, and cultural stability to a country that had to overcome the trauma of losing an empire. This volume clearly is a major contribution to the study of how Portugal became part of the European Union as a political system and its development towards Europeanization and domestication. Magone first lays a theoretical framework for the study of Europeanization and discusses political parties, the political system, and Portuguese society in terms of Europeanization. He then examines public administration, how the European Union and the OECD impacted on the modernization agenda, and includes a discussion of the national EU policy coordination. Magone also considers the Portuguese Euro-elite and how they interacted with the Portuguese presidency and the processes of decision-making going on among the different levels of the governance system of the European Union. He highlights a case study of the Portuguese presidency of the European Union, which took place in the first half of 2003. In addition, Magone discusses the impact of the EU structural funds on Portugal, and scrutinizes Portuguese foreign and defense policies, in particular its reconstructed foreign policy, which was clearly instrumental in achieving the independence of East Timor. He reviews the growing integration of Portugal into the emerging structures of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), concluding with the challenges that Portugal will face in the future in the education, health, and business sectors. An interesting finding is the growing alienation of the population from the political class, who clearly make all the decisions in relation to the European Union without proper consultation of the population through referenda. In sum, this book is vital to understand one of the oldest nation-states of the world. JosÚ M. Magone is senior lecturer in European politics in the Department of Politics and International Studies, University of Hull. Among his publications are The Changing Architecture of Iberian Politics, European Portugal: The Difficult Road to Sustainable Democracy, and Iberian Trade Unionism: Democratization Under the Impact of the European Union (available from Transaction).
An unimpeachable classic work in political philosophy, intellectual and cultural history, and economics, The Road to Serfdom has inspired and infuriated politicians, scholars, and general readers for half a century. Originally published in 1944—when Eleanor Roosevelt supported the efforts of Stalin, and Albert Einstein subscribed lock, stock, and barrel to the socialist program—The Road to Serfdom was seen as heretical for its passionate warning against the dangers of state control over the means of production. For F. A. Hayek, the collectivist idea of empowering government with increasing economic control would lead not to a utopia but to the horrors of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy.

First published by the University of Chicago Press on September 18, 1944, The Road to Serfdom garnered immediate, widespread attention. The first printing of 2,000 copies was exhausted instantly, and within six months more than 30,000 books were sold. In April 1945, Reader’s Digest published a condensed version of the book, and soon thereafter the Book-of-the-Month Club distributed this edition to more than 600,000 readers. A perennial best seller, the book has sold 400,000 copies in the United States alone and has been translated into more than twenty languages, along the way becoming one of the most important and influential books of the century.

With this new edition, The Road to Serfdom takes its place in the series The Collected Works of F. A. Hayek. The volume includes a foreword by series editor and leading Hayek scholar Bruce Caldwell explaining the book's origins and publishing history and assessing common misinterpretations of Hayek's thought. Caldwell has also standardized and corrected Hayek's references and added helpful new explanatory notes. Supplemented with an appendix of related materials ranging from prepublication reports on the initial manuscript to forewords to earlier editions by John Chamberlain, Milton Friedman, and Hayek himself, this new edition of The Road to Serfdom will be the definitive version of Hayek's enduring masterwork.
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