For decades, political barriers have hampered housebuilding in Britain. Governments have blocked urban expansion, stymied the introduction of new low-cost production methods, and restricted the supply of new housing to the market in other ways. The results have included artificially inflated house prices and numerous households excluded from owner-occupation.
This book analyzes political barriers to housebuilding as a form of political-economic protectionism: the dysfunctional equivalent of controls on foreign goods imports or minimum wage tariff barriers to labour market entry and employment.
1. Political barriers to housebuilding in Britain: critical overview
2. Greenbelt barriers to urban expansion
3. Housing output planning and quota fixing
4. Housing development taxes and quasi-taxes
5. New housing class discrimination
6. Controls on technological development and product innovation
7. The effects on the land market and new housing location
8. The effects on housebuilders and housing production
9. The effects on household consumer choice, house prices, and housing quality
10. The removal of political barriers to housebuilding
Lewis F Abbott is a business-economic researcher and consultant. He has authored and edited numerous books on industrial, commercial and related subjects.
"The patrimony of a poor man lies in the strength and dexterity of his hands; and to hinder him from employing this is a plain violation of this most sacred property.” (Adam Smith, The Wealth of Nations, 1776)
Around the world, minimum wage controls exclude low cost competitors from labour markets, hamper firms in reducing wage costs during trade downturns, and cause unemployment, price increases and poverty.
In the European Union, national minimum wage barriers to labour market entry and employment make a mockery of the Treaty of Rome guarantee of free trade and markets in labour services. In Britain, the National Minimum Wage has caused large-scale youth unemployment, transfer of manufacturing and service jobs abroad, short-term contract and casual working, and the closure of small shops, restaurants, pubs and marginally profitable businesses generally.
This study analyzes national minimum wage fixing as a special form of political-economic protectionism – the dysfunctional equivalent or analogue of such things as tariff barriers to low cost goods imports.
1. Minimum wage controls and their effects
Economic and political motives for minimum wage control* the general case against* unemployment effects* minimum wage-fixing as a form of protectionism and discrimination* minimum wage, maximum wage (“incomes policy”), and other forms of price control* negative income and welfare effects*
2. Minimum wage controls in particular countries
Comparative wage and labour market freedom in Britain* trade union attitudes towards state wage-fixing* minimum wage controls and their effects in the us and Europe* defining "pay" and other technical-administrative issues*
3. Legal aspects of minimum wage control
Legal, constitutional and rights issues* avoidance and evasion* challenging official wage-fixing and job losses in the courts*
4. Minimum wage control and unemployment
How minimum wages cause unemployment* international studies* recent research findings and forecasts*
5. Effects on employers and labour demand
Economics of labour demand* firms and industries most affected by statutory wage controls* employers' responses – from job redundancies and out-sourcing to changes in working practices, hours, and payment methods*
6. Effects on employees and labour supply
Economics of labour supply* employees most affected by wage control: occupational, skill, age, race, sex, and regional variables*
7. The effects on incomes and welfare
The case against using wage controls for income redistribution purposes* employment subsidies, tax cuts, and welfare payments as an alternative* productivity, supply and demand and other real industrial-economic causes of wage differentials* summary and conclusions*
John Locke’s 1690 book is one of the most important and influential works on government ever published. The first part demolishes the main authoritarian/totalitarian ideology of its day: the doctrine of the divine right of kings to absolute arbitrary power over their subjects. The second sets out the real social origins, functions and limits of government. Locke demonstrates that far from God and natural law ordaining all-powerful hereditary dictatorship, the only legitimate form of government is one with the consent of the people and committed to upholding their fundamental human rights to life, liberty, and property.
The book justified the Glorious Revolution establishing parliamentary government in England and was an inspiration behind the American Declaration of Independence a century later. Around the world, it continues to have a profound influence on the theory and practice of limited representative government and protecting basic rights and freedoms under the rule of law.
This is a current language version of the book - essentially translating the work into modern English to improve its readability and understandability.
“The Divine Right of Kings”: A Refutation of the Doctrine of Sir Robert Filmer and His Followers
2. Paternal and regal power
3. “Adam’s title to sovereignty by creation”
4. “Adam’s title to sovereignty by donation”
5. “Adam’s title to sovereignty by the subjection of Eve”
6. “Adam’s title to sovereignty by fatherhood”
7. Fatherhood and property as joint foundations of sovereignty
8. Conveying Adam’s sovereign monarchical power
9. Monarchy by inheritance from Adam
10. An heir to Adam’s monarchical power
11. Who is the heir?
The Real Origins, Functions and Limits of Government
1. Political power
2. The state of nature
3. The state of war
6. Paternal power
7. Political or civil society
8. The beginning of political societies
9. The ends of political society and government
10. Forms of commonwealth
11. The limits of legislative power
12. The legislative, executive, and federative powers of the commonwealth
13. The subordination of powers of the commonwealth
15. Paternal, political, and despotic powers: a comparison
19. The dissolution of government
This is a current language version of John Stuart Mill’s classic 1859 essay – translating the work into modern English to improve its readability and understandability. The translation is substantive but retains original word order and grammar as far as possible.
Mill's main concern in the book is individual liberty. He argues that public authorities have no business restricting individual liberty except to prevent injury to others. However, he fully knows personal freedom is only a part of freedom: people live in societies and their personal liberty depends on (and contributes to) economic and political institutional freedom.
2. Liberty of thought and discussion
3. Individuality: One element of well-being
4. The limits to the authority of society over the individual
Sachs explores issues that have captivated the nation and political debate, including infrastructure, trade deals, energy policy, the proper size and role of government, the national debt, and income inequality. Not only does he provide illuminating and accessible explanations of the forces at work in each case, but he also presents specific policy solutions. His argument rises above the pessimism born of political paralysis, economic stagnation, and partisanship to devise a brighter way forward, achievable both individually and collectively. In Building the New American Economy, Sachs shows how the United States can find a path to renewed economic progress that is fair and environmentally sustainable.
This “powerful and disturbing history” exposes how American governments deliberately imposed racial segregation on metropolitan areas nationwide (New York Times Book Review).
Widely heralded as a “masterful” (Washington Post) and “essential” (Slate) history of the modern American metropolis, Richard Rothstein’s The Color of Law offers “the most forceful argument ever published on how federal, state, and local governments gave rise to and reinforced neighborhood segregation” (William Julius Wilson). Exploding the myth of de facto segregation arising from private prejudice or the unintended consequences of economic forces, Rothstein describes how the American government systematically imposed residential segregation: with undisguised racial zoning; public housing that purposefully segregated previously mixed communities; subsidies for builders to create whites-only suburbs; tax exemptions for institutions that enforced segregation; and support for violent resistance to African Americans in white neighborhoods. A groundbreaking, “virtually indispensable” study that has already transformed our understanding of twentieth-century urban history (Chicago Daily Observer), The Color of Law forces us to face the obligation to remedy our unconstitutional past.
Through a series of disastrous decisions, the state government had switched the city’s water supply to a source that corroded Flint’s aging lead pipes. Complaints about the foul-smelling water were dismissed: the residents of Flint, mostly poor and African American, were not seen as credible, even in matters of their own lives.
It took eighteen months of activism by city residents and a band of dogged outsiders to force the state to admit that the water was poisonous. By that time, twelve people had died and Flint’s children had suffered irreparable harm. The long battle for accountability and a humane response to this man-made disaster has only just begun.
In the first full account of this American tragedy, Anna Clark's The Poisoned City recounts the gripping story of Flint’s poisoned water through the people who caused it, suffered from it, and exposed it. It is a chronicle of one town, but could also be about any American city, all made precarious by the neglect of infrastructure and the erosion of democratic decision making. Places like Flint are set up to fail—and for the people who live and work in them, the consequences can be fatal.