A History of the Penal Laws Against the Irish Catholics, from the Treaty of Limerick to the Union

The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd.
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Parnell, Henry. A History of the Penal Laws Against the Irish Catholics, from the Treaty of Limerick to the Union. Dublin: Printed by H. Fitzpatrick, 1808. 226, xxii pp. Reprinted 2003 by The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd. LCCN 2002044357. ISBN 1-58477-310-3. Cloth $80. * Reprint of first edition. Sir Henry Parnell [1776-1842], later Lord Congleton, was an Anglo-Irish parliamentarian and treasury official sympathetic to the plight of Irish Catholics. Enhanced by its extensive quotation of source records, this book traces the history of laws against "religious non-conformists" between 1689 and 1801. Though certainly partisan, it is valuable for Parnell's perspective and first-hand knowledge of several crucial events of the 1780s and '90s.
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Publisher
The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd.
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Published on
Dec 31, 2003
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Pages
226
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ISBN
9781584773108
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Language
English
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Genres
History / Europe / Great Britain / General
Law / Criminal Law / General
Law / Discrimination
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This content is DRM protected.
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Cottu, [Charles]. On the Administration of the Criminal Code, in England, and the Spirit of the English Government. Translated Exclusively for the Pamphleteer. London: Pam[phleteer], Volume XVI, Number 31, 1820. 152 pp. [With] "M. Cottu, Criminal Law of England," Quarterly Review 1820. 18 pp. Reprint available September 2004 by The Lawbook Exchange, Ltd. LCCN 2003044228. ISBN 1-58477-383-9. Cloth. $90. * Reprint of the first English edition. Cottu [1777?-?] was a counsellor of the Royal Court of Paris and Secretary-General to the Royal Society of Prisons. In 1820 he was sent by his government to observe the English criminal courts. He returned with a vivid description of a system that had changed little since the days of Coke and Pulton. As Langbein describes it, "the whole of the criminal trial was expected to transpire as a lawyer-free contest of amateurs. In cases of felony..., the prosecution was also not represented by counsel. The victim of the crime commonly served as the prosecutor. (In homicide cases, either the victim's kin prosecuted, or the local coroner stood in.) Just as Blackstone summarized the common law on the cusp of its transformation by modern capitalism, Cottu described a system of criminal procedure that was about to be transformed into the system we recognize today. This work was originally published in the periodical The Pamphleteer. It was reissued as a book in 1822 with the title, On the Administration of Criminal Justice in England. Langbein, The Origins of Adversary Criminal Trial 11. (Cottu is noted as one of Langbein's primary sources.) Appended to this work is an 18 p. contemporaneous article reviewing the French edition.
This book was written as part of a much wider criminological enterprise, designed at creating a real and critical basis for criminological enquiry in Ireland. Properly understood the Criminal Justice System (CJS) is every bit as important to society as the circular flow of money. No government would dream of conducting its business without the advice of an economist or, indeed, providing an econometric model of the economy. Yet when it comes to the CJS, governments take the opposite view and legislate in the dark, hardly reconnoitering for a moment to see what effect proposed legislation will have on the several institutions it invariably affects. Maybe this was okay when those effects could not be calculated. But such is no longer the case. In 1967 a President's Commission on Law Enforcement and the Administration of Justice featured a model of criminal justice entitled "The Challenge of Crime in a Free Society." Incredibly misunderstood and widely neglected, this model marked a breakthrough -- the first step, as it were -- in coming to terms with the multiple agencies that go to make up what has come to be called the Criminal Justice System (CJS). In Volumes 2 and 3 of the present series Seamus Breathnach traces the initial steps necessary to complete the revolution begun by the President's Commission. In doing this he reveals the systematized neglect of the CJS in the Republic of Ireland for years 1950-80. In eight lectures he delineates the Republic's inability to get its act together or to engage the terms or significance of the '67 landmark - an inability that is anchored both in a deep religious resistance to the secular social sciences as well as an exaggerated estimation of the criminal lawyer as social commentator. From this study it appears that the first step for criminologists is to see the CJS as a totality - to see it as a social process clamoring to be rescued from the spokesmen of the discrete agencies that comprise it.
Finalist for the 2018 National Council on Crime & Delinquency’s Media for a Just Society Awards

Nominated for the 49th NAACP Image Award for Outstanding Literary Work (Nonfiction)

A 2017 Washington Post Notable Book

A Kirkus Best Book of 2017

“Butler has hit his stride. This is a meditation, a sonnet, a legal brief, a poetry slam and a dissertation that represents the full bloom of his early thesis: The justice system does not work for blacks, particularly black men.”
—The Washington Post

“The most readable and provocative account of the consequences of the war on drugs since Michelle Alexander’s The New Jim Crow . . . .”
—The New York Times Book Review

“Powerful . . . deeply informed from a legal standpoint and yet in some ways still highly personal”
—The Times Literary Supplement (London)

With the eloquence of Ta-Nehisi Coates and the persuasive research of Michelle Alexander, a former federal prosecutor explains how the system really works, and how to disrupt it

Cops, politicians, and ordinary people are afraid of black men. The result is the Chokehold: laws and practices that treat every African American man like a thug. In this explosive new book, an African American former federal prosecutor shows that the system is working exactly the way it’s supposed to. Black men are always under watch, and police violence is widespread—all with the support of judges and politicians.

In his no-holds-barred style, Butler, whose scholarship has been featured on 60 Minutes, uses new data to demonstrate that white men commit the majority of violent crime in the United States. For example, a white woman is ten times more likely to be raped by a white male acquaintance than be the victim of a violent crime perpetrated by a black man. Butler also frankly discusses the problem of black on black violence and how to keep communities safer—without relying as much on police.

Chokehold powerfully demonstrates why current efforts to reform law enforcement will not create lasting change. Butler’s controversial recommendations about how to crash the system, and when it’s better for a black man to plead guilty—even if he’s innocent—are sure to be game-changers in the national debate about policing, criminal justice, and race relations.
The prescient New York Times writer delivers an urgent wake-up call to all Americans exposing the alarming rise of anti-Semitism in this country—and explains what we can do to defeat it.
 
WINNER OF THE NATIONAL JEWISH BOOK AWARD • “Stunning . . . Bari Weiss is heroic, fearless, brilliant and big-hearted. Most importantly, she is right.”—Lisa Taddeo, #1 New York Times bestselling author of Three Women
 
On October 27, 2018, eleven Jews were gunned down as they prayed at their synagogue in Pittsburgh. It was the deadliest attack on Jews in American history.
 
For most Americans, the massacre at Tree of Life, the synagogue where Bari Weiss became a bat mitzvah, came as a total shock. But anti-Semitism is the oldest hatred, commonplace across the Middle East and on the rise for years in Europe. So that terrible morning in Pittsburgh raised a question Americans can no longer avoid: Could it happen here?
 
This book is Weiss’s answer.
 
Like many, Weiss long believed this country could escape the rising tide of anti-Semitism. With its promise of free speech and religion, its insistence that all people are created equal, its tolerance for difference, and its emphasis on shared ideals rather than bloodlines, America has been, even with all its flaws, a new Jerusalem for the Jewish people. But now the luckiest Jews in history are beginning to face a three-headed dragon known all too well to Jews of other times and places: the physical fear of violent assault, the moral fear of ideological vilification, and the political fear of resurgent fascism and populism.
 
No longer the exclusive province of the far right, the far left, and assorted religious bigots, anti-Semitism now finds a home in identity politics as well as the reaction against identity politics, in the renewal of America First isolationism and the rise of one-world socialism, and in the spread of Islamist ideas into unlikely places. A hatred that was, until recently, reliably taboo is migrating toward the mainstream, amplified by social media and a culture of conspiracy that threatens us all.
 
Weiss is one of our most provocative writers, and her cri de couer makes a powerful case for renewing Jewish and American values in this uncertain moment. Not just for the sake of America’s Jews, but for the sake of America.
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