Written by leading scholars, such as Joseph Nye, Eric Hobsbawm and Akira Iriye, the volume examines if the absence of a superpower status would lead to anarchy, or if an alternative is possible. In view of the globalization process and the changing perceptions of US hegemony in the various regions of the world, it addresses the possibility of re-examining and redefining the nineteenth century classical balance of power.
Divided into two sections, it analyzes:
global perspectives on war, peace and hegemony, and the role of the United States
each region of the world in the context of the unfolding processes of globalization; the various ways in which economic and socio-political organizations are impacting inter- and intra-regionally; and the role of the United States vis-à-vis the individual countries and regions.
The book analyses the interrelationships between international politics and regional and national security, with a special focus on the sources of international conflict and collaboration and the causes of war and peace. More specifically, it explains the sources of intended and unintended great-power conflict and collaboration. The book also accounts for the sources of regional war and peace by developing the concept of the state-to-nation balance. Thus the volume is able to explain the variations in the outcomes of great power interventions and the differences in the level and type of war and peace in different eras and various parts of the world. For example, the book’s model can account for recent outcomes such as the effects of the 2003 American intervention in Iraq, the post-2011 Arab Spring and the conflicts between Russia and Ukraine. The book also provides a model for explaining the changes in American grand strategy with a special focus on accounting for the causes of the invasion of Iraq in 2003. Finally, the book addresses the debate on the future of war and peace in the 21st century.
This book will be essential reading for students of international security, regional security, Middle Eastern politics, foreign policy and IR.
Part I: 'The History of a Discipline' locates the development of IR scholarship in its own historical contexts, examining the origin of dominant IR theories, their use of historical evidence, and their relation to other social science disciplines.
Part II: 'IR and International History' explores key moments in the history of war and peace, from the Peloponnesian War to the Cold War and beyond, and the role they played in constructing the discipline.
Part III: 'Contemporary IR and the Uses of History' reflects on the current ferment in IR over its Eurocentric theory and practice, its key concepts of state and sovereignty, the impact of non-state actors and human rights, and 'the return of history.'
Although American primacy in the world is unprecedented, analysts routinely stress the limited utility of such preeminence. The authors examine arguments from each of the main international relations theories--realism, institutionalism, constructivism, and liberalism. They also cover the four established external constraints on U.S. security policy--international institutions, economic interdependence, legitimacy, and balancing. The prevailing view is that these external constraints conspire to undermine the value of U.S. primacy, greatly restricting the range of security policies the country can pursue. Brooks and Wohlforth show that, in actuality, the international environment does not tightly constrain U.S. security policy. World Out of Balance underscores the need for an entirely new research agenda to better understand the contours of international politics and the United States' place in the world order.
The book provides a systematic overview of the main worldviews – such as realism, liberalism, and constructivism – and their associated theoretical underpinnings. Placing liberal internationalism at the heart of the debate, it argues that the main division in IR theory is between liberal internationalism and its critics. Griffiths examines both the strengths and weaknesses of liberal internationalism as a worldview, and also explores the competing worldviews that have been generated by the perceived flaws of this perspective.
Examination of crucial policy issues is incorporated throughout the text, restoring the relevance of theory for those who wish to understand those policy issues. Moreover, this book revitalises the raison d'être of contemporary IR theory and shows the role it can play in making sense of the twenty-first century.
These arguments directly challenge the conventional wisdom concerning the 2004 and 2008 elections, which were supposedly decided on the basis of moral values and the economy respectively. Yet in The Politics of Sex, Susan B. Hansen justifies these claims theoretically based on evidence about how voters actually evaluate candidates. Hansen explores trends in public opinion on abortion, gay rights, and the status of women and finds that "values voters" are still crucial in presidential elections, even those supposedly fought over economic or foreign-policy issues. She then analyzes campaign strategies and vote choice to show how Barack Obama made effective use of the liberal trends in public opinion on social issues in 2008 and 2012. Hansen also examines trends in demographics, religious involvement, the institutional setting, and public opinion to predict who in future years benefit from the politics of sex.
By providing an historical perspective on the changing impact of morality politics on presidential elections, this book will show how and why the politics of sex now favors the Democratic Party.
De første politifolk på stedet konstaterede, at en person var dræbt i forretningens bageri, og at gerningsmanden var flygtet fra stedet. Den dræbte var ansat som bagersvend på stedet. Der havde været flere vidner – kolleger til den dræbte – tilstede ved skyderiet, hvorfor der hurtigt blev udsendt et signalement af gerningsmanden. Det var ikke vidnernes opfattelse, at gerningsmanden ville forøve røveri, men hans handling havde virket som en ren likvidering.