Apie šią el. knygą
On 28 April 1954, history was made. Never before had any nation outreached another nation that did not even share a common border, with an offer to occupy its immediate neighbour, sacrificing strategic interests. Strangely, the country that was directly involved was not even consulted. To add to the weirdness, the Indian Government continued to defend China’s act of treason against Tibet in international forums and also misled its citizens. How the India-Tibet border was converted into the Sino-Indian border in 1954 is both intriguing and tragic.
With Great Britain in the lead, several other nations that had exploited Tibet for decades for various one-sided benefits brazenly decided to desert it at the time of its crisis and feigned conniving ignorance about its political status. Tibet, as a theocracy, with no armed forces and reliable ally, was an alluring target for expansionist China.
What lies ahead for Tibet is a geostrategically important issue not only for India but also the world at large—to contain China’s outrageous expansionist and hegemonistic designs. The failure of China to subdue Tibetan nationalism, religion, culture and heritage by suppressive means over seven decades is indicative that the resurrection of Tibet is not a myth but a possibility in the future.
With Great Britain in the lead, several other nations that had exploited Tibet for decades for various one-sided benefits brazenly decided to desert it at the time of its crisis and feigned conniving ignorance about its political status. Tibet, as a theocracy, with no armed forces and reliable ally, was an alluring target for expansionist China.
What lies ahead for Tibet is a geostrategically important issue not only for India but also the world at large—to contain China’s outrageous expansionist and hegemonistic designs. The failure of China to subdue Tibetan nationalism, religion, culture and heritage by suppressive means over seven decades is indicative that the resurrection of Tibet is not a myth but a possibility in the future.
Apie autorių
Brigadier, Professor Jasbir S. Nagra holds degrees of Master of Defence Studies and Master of Business Administration from the Universities of Madras and Indore respectively. He is also a graduate of Frunze Command and Staff Military Academy, Moscow (erstwhile the USSR). During his service in the Indian Army, spanning more than three decades, he held a variety of command, staff and faculty positions. Besides, he served in Moscow for more than seven years as a diplomat and on a special mission. After retirement, he served as a Managing Director of a joint sector company and Director Principal of a management institute. He writes on national security and military science.
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